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Kuäär Jinuɔ̱ɔ̱b ni Thälbä Kir cɛ Ku nhɔk ɛn ɣöö bɛ wä gua̱a̱th malä kä Adi̱th Ababa

Kuäär Jinuɔ̱ɔ̱b ni Thälbä Kir cɛ Ku nhɔk ɛn ɣöö bɛ wä gua̱a̱th malä kä Adi̱th Ababa

    February 27, 2015 (JUBA) - South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir will travel to Addis Ab[...]
Meeting with Ambassdor Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth

Meeting with Ambassdor Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth

this is very good meeting        [...]
No thumbnail available

SPLM Leaders, South sudanese By IGAD

SPLM Leaders: South Sudanese Negotiators Proposed A Deputized Prime Minister To Head The Transit[...]


Kuen Mi̱ Duŋ Gɔaa Rɛy Nhokädiɛn

Kuen Mi̱ Duŋ Gɔaa Rɛy Nhokädiɛn

namɛ ɛ Kuen Kormac Gak Dɛɛŋ kɛnɛ nyiman ni Me̱e̱r Thɔl Diw. Jɛn ɛ tɛth lɔaac mi̱ duŋ[...]

Kuäär Jinuɔ̱ɔ̱b ni Thälbä Kir cɛ Ku nhɔk ɛn ɣöö bɛ wä gua̱a̱th malä kä Adi̱th Ababa



February 27, 2015 (JUBA) – South Sudan’s president, Salva Kiir will travel to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia to discuss critical issues on the country’s ongoing negotiations with the armed opposition faction, the foreign affairs minister said.


Thälbä Kir


“He [Kiir] is just on standby and will travel to Addis Ababa once called,” Barnaba Marial Benjamin told reporters in the capital, Juba Friday.

There were fears Kiir’s absence would derail efforts to reach a final peace agreement.

The South Sudanese leader skipped Monday’s opening session of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)-led negotiations, raising concerns over his government seriousness to peacefully end the over one year war.

Marial also briefed the United States envoy to Juba, Charles Twining and his Chinese counterpart, Ma Quing about government’s readiness to reach a permanent peace agreement with rebels and form a transitional government of national unity.

“I also informed the ambassadors that South Sudan does not need sanctions. We don’t want the peace to be derailed,” stressed the foreign affairs minister.

On Tuesday, a draft resolution circulated among members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) called for the formation of a committee to impose targeted sanctions on individuals or entities obstructing South Sudan peace process.

South Sudan opposes calls for sanctions, with its UN ambassador, Francis Deng saying this “would only generate adversarial relationship and aggravate the situation”.

The conflict, which broke out in late 2013, followed disagreements within the ruling party (SPLM) led by president Kiir, but later turned into what has now been perceived as a power struggle between the president and his former deputy, Riek Machar.

Several cessation of hostilities agreements signed by both sides are yet to hold.

This month, the two parties signed an agreement on a power-sharing arrangement proposed by the East African regional bloc as fresh talks commenced in Addis Ababa.

The South Sudanese rebel leader on Thursday called on president Kiir, to “pack his suitcase” and come to Addis Ababa for direct negotiations with him in order to quickly resolve major sticking points and end the 14-month long civil war in the country.

This came a week after president Kiir failed to show up at the venue for the opening of the last round of the peace talks mediated between the two warring parties by IGAD.




Meeting with Ambassdor Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth

this is very good meeting


Nuer are in meeting with ambassador Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth at Dandenong

Nuer are in meeting with ambassador Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth at Dandenong

Nuer group

Nuer group


nuer phot 5



SPLM Leaders, South sudanese By IGAD

SPLM Leaders: South Sudanese Negotiators Proposed

A Deputized Prime Minister To Head The Transitional

Government of National Unity, IGAD ignores!


SPLM-FPD, formerly the SPLM political detainees taking a photo after meeting Museveni in Kampala(Photo: supplied)

Sept 03, 2014(Nyamilepedia) — South Sudan’s SPLM Leaders, who served months in jail, believe that the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) entirely ignored the document agreed by the multi-stakeholders, except the government delegation, in the latest round of South Sudan peace talks in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

According to SPLM/A leaders, majority of the stakeholders agreed on an African solution that was extracted from the African experiences, which resolved conflicts in Kenya, Cote d’Ivoire, Zimbabwe, among others, to resolve the eight-month-old civil war in the country.

The stakeholders, with exception of government delegation, agreed that the Prime Minister, with one or two deputies, would run the transitional Government of National Unity while the President remains the Head of State. However, the regional leaders proposed and signed a resolution that gives the president all powers and creates no deputy Prime Ministers positions.

The regional bloc creates a position of a Prime Minister that would not only be submissive but acceptable to the president and must hold no further public offices. Precisely, the Prime Minister, according to IGAD protocol, shall be nominated by the SPLM (IO) and retires from politics as soon as the transitional period ends.

To the SPLM leaders, IGAD’s proposal is neither an African solution to an African problem nor what the South Sudanese negotiators agreed on but rather an obstacle to achieving peace. The leaders reiterate that the decision was unfair, unjust and discriminatory.

The SPLM Leaders, argue that the rules in the Protocol have to equally apply to Salva Kiir and his deputy instead of attempting to exclude only Dr. Machar from power.

The report below is recorded to near verbatim.

Begin the reports …

  • The Protocol has ignored the consensus reached by the stakeholders in the thematic committees formed by the IGAD Envoys. The Political Committee on transitional Governance Arrangements unanimously agreed on the formula for power sharing between the President and the Prime Minister during the Transitional Period. The power sharing formula prescribed by the committee on Governance is based on various experiences from Africa, i.e. Kenya, Zimbabwe, Cote d’Ivoire, in order to resolve similar cr. Details of the agreed power sharing arrangement are attached herewith.
  • The Protocol confirmed President Kiir as both the Head of State and Government. The consensus of all stakeholders except the government delegation was for the Prime Minister to the Chief Executive in charge of the day to day running of the Government while the President performs the functions of Head of State. This arrangement is to stop the war and allow for a peaceful transition to a permanent and sustainable dispensation. The Protocol has ignored the consensus.
  • The Protocol, while recognizing the role of the SPLM/A in Opposition to nominate the Prime Minister, nevertheless it gives the President the power to veto the nomination of the SPLM/A(IO). In other words the nominee of the SPLM/A(IO) must be acceptable to the president. This undermines the principle of Power Sharing and the choice of the Opposition.
  • The Protocol bars any person nominated by the SPLM/A(IO) to the position of the Prime Minister from running for any public office in the next general elections. This condition does not apply to the President and the Vice President respectively. This condition is unfair, unjust and discriminatory. Persons occupying the top three positions in the transitional Government are either all excluded from running for any public office in the next elections or permitted all without exception.
  • Most surprisingly, Dr. Riek Machar, the leader of the opposition SPLM/SPLA(IO) is completely excluded from the leadership of the transitional Government of National Unity, without giving him the option to participate or not. This position will not help the achievement of peace as it will be read as a defeat by the supporters of the SPLM/A (IO). It does not reflect a win-win solution.
  • The Protocol has rejected the position of the stakeholders to have two deputies or at least one deputy to the Prime Minister. The position of the stakeholders was based on the tasks to be undertaken by the office of the Prime Minister as head of Government. We still think that the Prime Minister as head of government shall have two or one Deputy Prime Minister.
  • Finally the Protocol was meant to capture the consensus of the stakeholders as is evident from the first paragraph of the preamble. Unfortunately, the leaders of the region took over the document and became the principal owners as well as guarantors of the document to the exclusion of the stakeholders.
  • In the interest of just and enduring peace, we urge leaders of the region to consider the above observations in order to expedite resolution of the conflict in the upcoming session of the Talks scheduled for September 2014.


Signed by:

Deng Alor Kuol,

Leader of Delegation, SPLM Leaders (FPD)

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.





Daniel Wuor Jock

Daniel Wuor Jock

By Daniel Wuor Joak

It has become apparent that the eight months old civil war in South Sudan is not yet ending and the suffering of several millions South Sudanese still unresolved. The supposedly five pages document which IGAD and their Troika allies have developed and tried to impose on the two principal warring parties; President Salva Kiir Mayardit and Dr. Riek Machar Teny, leader of SPLM/A to sign in order to end the ongoing war in the country, was categorically rejected yesterday on 25th August. This proved that IGAD and its allies have no choice but rather to extend the deadline for six more weeks similar to the previous deadline of sixty days which unfortunately elapsed without any meaningful results. While the violations of Cessation of Hostilities Agreement signed on 23rd January 2014, between the two warring parties still not respected. Towns like Bentiu, Malakal, Ayod and Nasir were recaptured by the government forces and their UPDF, JEM and SPLA-N allies in April, after the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement was concluded and IGAD had done nothing about it to condemn the aggressor.

The unsigned five page’s document, it seems IGAD heads of state of Uganda, Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia have stubbornly made up their minds to retain President Kiir at all costs to continue heading the Transitional Interim Government of South Sudan with absolute power. Creations of the post of Prime Minister with two deputies is not a solution but more less escalation of the ongoing conflict believe it or not. The position vehemently taken by IGAD heads of state to keep President Kiir as President of South Sudan during the proposed Interim Government of National Unity, while at the same time imposing peace in the country by force is directly an insult to twenty thousand innocent Nuer civilians who were summarily massacred in Juba and surrounding areas following the aftermath of fighting on the 15th December 2013 by the same President. Sadly indeed, IGAD heads of state have miserably failed to address the root causes of the conflict. The whole world including the UN have categorically dismissed the so-called Kiir’s fabricated coup d’état which would have complicated Dr. Riek Machar and his associates.

Funny enough, US Secretary of State Mr. John Kerry has always boasted in front of cameramen and women wherever he goes by honouring President Kiir an elected President who cannot be removed from office before his term is over. While in US former President Richard Richard Nixon was unceremoniously impeached from office as result of leakages of sensitive documents. Should massacres of over twenty thousand unarmed Nuer civilians be less important than leakages of mere documents which later amounted to the removal of President from office? IGAD should learn from the Somalia’s saga where the same heads of state had hastily dispatched more than 23 thousands soldiers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Burundi and Rwanda in order to quell down Al Shabaab militias who have been labelled by US government as terrorist’s cell in East Africa. The war in Somalia still raging with heavy casualties on both sides and the solution is nowhere to be found. The American forces with their mighty power of 30,000 US Marines had tried in early 1990s and miserably failed.

The war in South Sudan is more complicated than that of Somalia because President Salva Kiir had murdered one ethnic group the “Nuer” in thousands and IGAD wished to impose him by force to rule the same victims. This will not work as long as President Kiir remains in power. IGAD should find better and amicable solution if their intention is to resolve the conflict in South Sudan otherwise they will be resisted like in Somalia.

The other concern is the present of UPDF in South Sudan. There is no way Presient Yoweri K. Museveni can act as an occupier of our land and at the same time masquerading as peace maker. That will never happen. Whether the imposed IGAD agreement is signed by the two leaders namely; President Slava Kiir and Dr. Riek Machar or not the war in South Sudan will never end as long as President Salva Kiir remains in power under protection of IGAD and their troika’s paymasters. Justice is always denied to those who honestly seek it but crooks are always rewarded. This is what is happening with IGAD mediations in South Sudan conflict.

Executive Director

African Centre for Human Advocacy (ACHA)

He can be reached through: dwjoak21@hotmail.com


Kuen Mi̱ Duŋ Gɔaa Rɛy Nhokädiɛn

namɛ ɛ Kuen Kormac Gak Dɛɛŋ kɛnɛ nyiman ni Me̱e̱r Thɔl Diw. Jɛn ɛ tɛth lɔaac mi̱ duŋ gɔaa ɛ lɔŋ, ɛ ci̱ lɔc nɛɛni̱ diaal tɛɛth, wal kuen ɛ duŋ Kuɔth laarɛ Kuoth ɛn ɣöö bi̱ wut kɛnɛ ciek bikɛ kuɛɛn, ɛn gua̱th ɛ mɔ ci̱ nɛy ti nyin wuan ruan kɛ kɛn wut kɛnɛ ciekdɛ kɛ kuic ciɛɛŋdiɛn cäŋdiɛn. Kuoth cɛ tuut kɛnɛ ŋuɔ̱ɔ̱t cak we̱e̱ muɔ̱ɔ̱n, nɛy tin ŋuanikɛn cikɛ ruac kɛ Kormaac ɛ ram mi̱ gɔaa ɛ lɔŋ kɛ kuic ɛmɔ cie̱e̱-mani̱ wutdä liak kɛn gatdiɛn, bä kä cie̱e̱-mani̱ nyaal liak kɛn nyaadiɛn wal.

kɛ kuic ɛmɔ kɛn da̱ŋ rɛw mi̱ ci̱kɛ gɔw ɛŋu mi̱ de̱e̱ jie̱e̱k nööŋ wal? Kuoth teekɛ ca̱rɛ kɛ kui̱c nɛni rɛw kiɛ diɔk kɛ rɛy teekä ran




Nyer tin bo̱o̱r rɛy kuendiɛn

Nyer tin bo̱o̱r rɛy kuendiɛn

Nyer ɛ ti kɛ kɛn cie̱e̱ to̱o̱tni̱ wutdä ni̱ Kormaac Deng ca thurɛ nɛmɛ kiɛ cäät pua̱a̱nydian ka̱n cäŋ kuen.


Rɛm gua̱a̱ri̱ ti ci wuɔt kɛ thonŋ ɛ thong

Rɛm gua̱a̱ri̱ ti ci wuɔt kɛ thonŋ ɛ thong

ŋuɛ̈tni ti bo̱o̱r rɛy ŋuɛ̈ɛ̈tdädiɛn kɛ gɔɔy

ŋuɛ̈tni ti bo̱o̱r rɛy ŋuɛ̈ɛ̈tdädiɛn kɛ gɔɔy

Cɔ-nyaal mi̱ wut pa̱ny

Cɔ-nyaal mi̱ wut pa̱ny





ŋar tɛ̈thkä lɔaac

Gɛ̈ɛ̈ kɛnɛ Mäthnikɛ

Gɛ̈ɛ̈ kɛnɛ Mäthnikɛ

Kɔaŋ Gany kɛnɛ Mäthnikɛ

Kɔaŋ Gany kɛnɛ Mäthnikɛ

Mepan kɛ thiaŋ Nyimantho Gɛ̈ɛ̈ Puɔɔl Dɛŋ mi̱ bä kä Kenɛda moc kɛ moŋ mi̱ tɔt, ci̱ nɛy dial lɔcdiɛn tɛɛth ɛlɔŋ kɛ ɣöö kɛ kɔr runi̱ ti ci wä Nya- Jɔtɔpɛ Taŋ mëë ca näk köör kä Panyigoor Boor. ɛn walɛ caa lɔc tɛth mi̱ di̱i̱t kä waydɛ ni̱ Nyarɛɛt Taŋ kɛ ben Nyaadɛ kä Känɛda.

Kɔndiaal ci̱ nɛy ŋar kɛ ŋar mi̱ di̱i̱t amäni̱ bak ɣɔaa.

JinubaDa Thiɛlɛ Jɛ Kumɛ ɛ Uganda kɛ Thoda̱n


Decni̱ Dɔaar Jinubni̱ cikɛn ɛ lar i̱ Ugandani̱ däkɛn mal




Kä Adith Ababa rɛy rööl Bonyni̱ ca lar ɛ rɛm köör in tɛr ko̱r kä Thoda̱n wal, laar kɛn ɛ i̱ nɛɛ wal, kɛn Ugandɛni̱ tin cu ben wec kɛ ɣöö ba ko̱r tɛr kɛɛl kɛ Kumɛ Jinuɔɔb ya̱rkɛ mal täämɛ.

Ruac walɛ cɛ tuɔ̱ɔ̱k kam Kumɛ kɛnɛ ji̱ dɔaar amäni̱ we̱e̱ tin thie̱e̱kɛ kɔn kɛ ɣöö göörkɛn mal Thoda̱n tin cɔal i̱ (IGAD) kä ci kɛn thokdiɛn lɛni̱ mat thi̱n bä i̱ Decni̱ Uganda ba rɔ̱ woc rɛc wecdan kä Jinub.

Kɛ ɣöö ci̱ Decni̱ dɔaar ɛ lar i̱ yär kɛn mal tääm, ɛ laa kɛn decni̱ dɔaar a wä ma̱k gua̱thnikiɛn rɛy dhɔaar mi̱ cɔali̱ Joŋlei.

Jemith Gatdeet cɛ lar i̱, “ kɛn decni̱ Uganda ti̱ti̱ cikɛn ciɛŋ wec muɔ̱ɔ̱n luth, näk kɛn naath män kɛnɛ gaat amäni̱ dɔŋ bä.”

ɛn täämɛ Ugandɛni̱ wäkɛ kɛ wä nhiam kä Gadia̱ŋ kɛnɛ Baydi̱t nhiam Buɔ̱ɔ̱r, kä gua̱th tɔ̱tɔ̱ teni̱ decni̱ Riek Maca̱a̱r thi̱n laarɛ Gadeet.

Kä ruac in dɔŋ Ugandɛni̱ lätkɛ cie̱e̱ ji̱ wec, la̱tkɛ ti̱ jiek rɛy dhɔaaran.

Da̱k cɔɔlɛ ji̱ IGAD kɛnɛ ji̱ wec muɔ̱ɔ̱n tin kɔŋ kɛ ɣöö bikɛn ɛ ŋa̱c kɛ min wä kä Joŋlei walɛ kam Uganda kɛ ji̱ dɔaar amäni̱ Kumɛ Jinuɔb. Kä ji̱ dɔaar göör kɛn ɣöö bi̱ decni̱ Uganda rɔ̱ woc rɛy dhɔaaran bä.

Kä Decni̱ Dɔaar Thoda̱n Rɔ woc Bä.

Da̱k cɛ lɛni̱ ciöt bä i̱ kɛn Rɛm köör Thoda̱n ɛ la ji̱ Darpöör kɛnɛ Ji̱ jɔak Kordupaan amäni̱ ji̱ Pony baa rɔ woc kä Ji̱nub kɛn diaal ɛ wic. Kɛ ɣöö ɛn täämɛ tɛr kɛ kör rɛy dhɔaaran kä Makaal kɛnɛ Bentiu bä, kɛ ɣöö luäk kɛn Thälbä Kir kɛ kör.

Kɛ kuic ɛ mɔ mi̱ göör kɔn mal mi̱ gɔaa kä bia̱a̱ thuɔk wal bi̱ Jur tin te wec jiɛɛn ni̱ kɛn diaal.

Ji̱ Rɛm köör Dɛrpöör ci̱kɛn ɛ gak kɛ luäkdiɛn kɛ Kir Maya̱rdi̱t, ɛ kɛn i̱ ruac ɛmɔ ciɛ thuɔk kä cɛ te gueydɛ, ci kɛn ɛlar i̱ riɛk Jinubni̱ ci̱ nɛy rɔ̱ dëë mat thi̱n.

Kɛ kuic ɛmɔ, Mariaal Bänyjimin ɛ lar, kɛ rɛw lätni̱ i̱ Kumɛ Jinuɔ̱ɔ̱b bɛ ruac kɛ decni̱ Uganda kɛ ɣöö bikɛ jiɛɛn dhɔr Jinuɔ̱ɔ̱b ni̱ kɛn diaal, kɛ ɣöö ca mal lat kiɛ thany kamda kɛ Rɛm köör in tɛɛr ko̱r, bi̱ mal cu te wic.

Kä nɛy tin laa latkɛ nyin wec kä Uganda kɛ juɔk ëë ci̱ wä, kä rue̱e̱c palɛmɛnkä kä Jinub ɛ la Mana̱thä Magɔɔk Rundiaal, cɛ lar i̱ kɛn ji̱ thie̱e̱kädan ti̱ti̱ nööŋ kɛn decnikiɛn kä Jinub kɛ ɣöö baa nɛy ben luäk kɛ kuic köör ɛ bëë wec kɛ ɣöö de kumɛ cu pɛɛn kiɛ kuäär Kiɛɛr. Ci Magɔɔk ɛ lar.





Rɛm Köör ëë bä dɔɔr ca mat kä Rɛm köör in te rɛcɔ


Rɛm Köör ëë bä dɔɔr ca mat kä Rɛm köör in te rɛcɔ

Kɛ cäŋ kä 29 Tio̱p Indi̱i̱t, ca lar kä Juba i̱ kɛn rɛm köör ëë te dɔɔr ca mat kä dec rɛɛk kɛnɛ tha̱a̱ rɛmni̱ tin kɔŋ, cɛ cuɔk kɛ pek mi̱ bäär kɛ ɣöö bakɛ rialïkä kɛ matdiɛn kɛ kɔ wi̱c.

Kuäär ni̱ Thäbä Kir cɛ ruac rɛy jiɔam kä Juba kɛ cäŋ kä 10 kä Kornyööt ëë ci wä, ruacɛ walɛ kɛ ɣöö de mal ben wi̱c, bi lia̱a̱ cu ŋuɔɔk.

Kä ruac ɛmɔ cɛ tuɔɔk kɛ kɔr kä mëë ci̱ nɛy tin laa ŋɔak a lat kä Kumɛkä, kɛ ɣöö kɛn rɛm köör cikɛ rɔ ma̱t rɛy wec kɛ ruac ëë ca lat ɛ Kuäär kɛ päli̱ naath i̱kä, kä cua ri̱wdiɛn cu mat rɛy rɛm in te kä Jubɛ.

Tha̱a̱ŋkiɛn cikɛ wä kä dec, tha̱a̱ŋkiɛn cikɛ wä kä Boltharkɛɛt, amäni̱ gua̱th ti gööl rɛy wec.untitled



Thäbä Kir

Päli̱kä cɛ tuɔɔk ni̱ mëë ci̱ Kuäär ɛ lar  i̱ ram mi̱ rɔm mac ca päli̱kä a ku luny wi̱c banɛ dhɔ̱ɔ̱ran ben täth, kɛ gua̱a̱th ëë ci̱ wä kɛ rɔn ëë thaar 2012 ci̱ Bun rɛm da̱ŋ dhie̱e̱c ben kä Maakaal, kɛ kɔr gua̱th mi̱ tɔt kɛ ruɔn 2013 ci̱  Bun tin kɔŋ kɛ lɛni̱ guɔ̱ɔ̱r bä.

Kɛ ruac ëë ci tuɔɔk kɛ jiec la̱t ëë ci̱ wä rɛy jɔam Tibikä. Kir cɛ Bapiny Monytui̱i̱l kɛn Jɔ̱ɔ̱nthɔ̱n Uliny cɛkɛ jakä kua̱r tin dit rɛy rɛmnikiɛn walɛ.

Kɛ kɔr gua̱th mi̱ tɔt cu ram min laa lat nyin Rɛm kä Kumɛ ni̱ Pili̱p Ague̱e̱r cɛ mat i̱ min ci tuɔɔk ca thuɔ̱k, kä kenɛ gor i̱ bɛ ruacdɛ cuɔ̱ɔ̱p.

Kä cu Ague̱e̱r ɛ lɛni̱ nyɔk kɛ rie̱t i̱ ɛn mat Rɛm be̱e̱ kɛ gua̱th da̱ŋ diɔ̱k, nɛy tin te kɛ Bapiny Monytui̱i̱l amäni̱ nɛɛ Jɔ̱ɔ̱nthɔ̱n Uliny tin ca päli̱kɛ i̱kä nhɔk kä caa mäckiɛn la̱th piny cakɛ päli̱kä. Jɛn cikɛ thuɔk kɛ mat walɛ ɛ cikɛ a Rɛm köör A.Th.L. nɛmɛ ci “Ague̱e̱r ɛ lar.”

Kä ruac Ague̱e̱r cɛ lɛni̱ lar bä i̱ kɛn Rɛm köör in ci̱ rɔ mat kɛ nɛy ti̱ 3,000. Kä Ague̱e̱r cɛ lɛni̱ lok kɛ ɣöö kɛ ŋaani̱ bi̱ wä kä Boltharkɛɛt ɔ.

Kɛ kuic ɛmɔ, Gɔrdɛn Buay, ɛ jɛn ram mi̱n lat ruac kä Rɛm köör (SSLM/A) kä Rɛm kɛɛliw ci̱ lɔcdiɛn tɛɛth ɛlɔŋ ɛ larkɛ tɛth lɔaacdiɛn ɛlɔŋ, kä ram mi̱n lär kɛnɛ tɛth lɔaacdiɛn ɛ Thälbä Kir.

Buay cɛ lɛni̱ nyɔk kɛ la̱r i̱ “kɛ kuic ɛmɔ kɛn kua̱r Rɛm ɛmɛ caa kɛ la̱th rɛy Kua̱ri̱ tin tin te thi̱n walɛ ca mi̱ duŋ gɔaa ɛ lɔŋ” ti̱ti̱ kɛ kɛn tin göör nɛy kɛ cɛ lar.

Kä ram ëë ruac kɛ kɛn nɛy ti̱ti̱ ɛ Tɔmi̱th Thirilo Thuaka, cɛ wëë cɛ lɛnɛi gɔaa ɛ lɔŋ kɛ ben gani̱ rɛy wec, cieŋ ɛmɛ ɛduŋdan kɔndiaal athiɛlɛ ram kɛl mi̱ lɔŋ thi̱n.

Ruac mi̱ di̱i̱t kä bɛc kɛ YAU YAU

Buay cɛ Lɛni̱ nyɔk kɛ la̱t bä, göör kɔn la̱t mi̱ di̱i̱t ɛlɔŋ kɛ wë wä malä kɛ dämandan ni̱ Yau Yau, kä cɔɔlɛ kuäär rɛm ni̱ Yau Yau kɛ ɣöö derɛ mal ɛmɛ guɔ̱ɔ̱r walɛ.

Kä cɛ lɛni̱ nyɔk kɛ la̱t bä kɛn kua̱r Jabɛni̱ kɛnɛ kua̱r Nuääri kä Joŋle̱y dë kɛ ruac kɛn kä rɔ, kɛ ɣöö dee lia̱a̱ cu ŋuɔɔk “larɛ Buay Rɛth




Barnaba Mariaal Benjɛmin,
ɛn täämɛ ɛ kuäär raar wecdan

Kiir Maya̱rdi̱t cɛ Mariaal Benjɛmɛn Kuany ɛ la Kuäär nɛni̱ tin guɛckɛ rar wec, kɛnɛ mal wie̱e̱ni̱


Mariaal ɛ ram kɛl kä nɛy tee ca woc kumɛkä cäŋ ëë pan, kä ɛ kuäär lääri̱ kumɛkä, ɛn täämɛ ci̱ ciötdɛ ben raar ɛ caa kuany ɛ la kuäär nie̱e̱ni̱ raar Jinub kɛnɛ ɣöö ciaaŋ kɛnɛ maar mi̱ gɔaa la̱t kɛ wie̱e̱ tin kɔŋ.

Kuäär ni̱ Kir ɛ rɛw lätni̱ ɛ nɛy dial tuk kä kumɛdɛ amäni̱ Riek Maca̱a̱r ram min guur jɛ, amäni̱ Pagan Amum ram min kääp pa̱a̱ti̱ in ku kumɛ lɛ lät kɛ jɛ, ca lɛni̱ tuk bä.

Kä tha̱a̱ŋ gua̱thni̱ tin kɔŋ baa kɛ kueny naath kɛ pɛth bä, Kir cɛ lɛni̱ duɔl kɛ nɛy tin la ji̱ pa̱a̱tini̱ tin kɔŋ, kɛ kui̱y kueny nath bä.

Makɔl mayiɛn pan cɛ lar i̱, “Kuäär thiɛlɛ cäŋ mi̱ cɛ lar i̱ baa naath kuany kɛ jɛ.

ɛn täämɛ kumɛ cɛ duɔth ni̱ baaŋ ɛ ram min gaŋɛ ɛ Oth Ma̱y ɛn kuäär indi̱i̱t kä rɛ̈m köör, Kir cɛ ruac ni̱ kä rɔ a thiɛlɛ ram mi̱ liŋɛ ruacdɛ, ɛ jɛn i̱ bi̱ nɛy dial bikɛ rɔ goŋ nhiamdɛ ɛ la kuäär Uganda ëë wal ni̱ ëëda mi̱i̱n dada, ɛ jɛn bi̱ tuɔɔk wal kä Thɔth Thoda̱n

Rɛwdɛ: Thälbä Kir ruacɛ kɛ wic kua̱r uganda kɛ ɣöö jɛn lokɛ Maca̱a̱r kɛ kuic kä rɛw ti̱ti̱ 1) min nhiamdiɛn Riek ɛ gɔ̱ɔ̱r mi̱ di̱i̱t kä Yöri̱ Mathɛbi̱ni̱.

2) rɛwdiɛn ɛ ɣöö cäŋ ëë pan Riek cɛ gör i̱ dee Uganda tekɛ mal ɛ dee decni̱ Uganda wä rɛc, de köör päl.

3) Mathɛbi̱ni̱ lokɛ ɣöö de demokarathi̱ te Thɔth Thoda̱n kä thiɛlɛ jɛ kä Uganda, ti̱ti̱ kɛ kɛn tin lok Yöri̱ Mathɛbi̱ni̱ kuäär Uganda kɛ kä Riek.

Mathɛbini̱ ɛ jɛn ɛn mëë näk Jɔɔn Gäräŋ, ɛn täämɛ göörɛ ɣöö derɛ Riek Maca̱a̱r lɛni̱ mat kɔɔr bä.



Kuäär cɛ Nyuur ni̱ cie̱e̱ŋ Nyɛcɔa̱a̱t


Juba, kä Thɔth Thoda̱n, Kuäär in di̱i̱t Thälbä Kir Maya̱rdi̱t jɛn cɛ ŋɛ̈ɛ̈ny ɛ lɔŋ cɛ kumɛdɛ ka̱m piny kɛɛliw, amäni̱ ram mi̱n guur jɛ ɛ la Riek Maca̱a̱r Tɛny kɛ rɛw lätni̱, cɛ kua̱r tin ka̱pkɛ wec cɛ kɛ woc gua̱thni̱kiɛn ɛn täämɛ wec thiɛlɛ jɛ kuäär ɛ ni̱ jɛn Thälbä kɛnɛ Ɣöth Ma̱y ɛn Kuäär rɛm.


Thälbä Kir cɛ gue̱e̱th ɛ lɔŋ

Kä nɛy tin cɛ kuany ram min nhiamdiɛn ɛ Jiemith Wani̱ Iga ɛ la ram mi̱ la rue̱e̱c kä bolɛma̱n kiɛ (bunamä) amani̱ Kuɔl Manyaŋ bä rɛ ram kɛl.

Min tuɔɔk i̱ nɛ bä Jinub cɛ tekɛ riɛk kä yiöw kɛ ɣöö liɛɛth in dee wec luäk ca gäk ɛ kerɛŋä thiɛlɛ gua̱a̱th mi̱ dɔŋ mi̱ jek Kumɛ yiöw thi̱n nɛmɛ ɛ riɛk kɛl.

Riɛk in rɛwdɛ Kumɛ cɛ rɔ da̱a̱k kä gua̱a̱thni̱ ti̱ gööl guic ramɔ ni̱ rɔ kä rɔ nɛmɛ ɛ riɛk in rɛwdɛ.

Diɔ̱ɔ̱kdiɛn, wec tekɛ kööri̱ thukni̱ dueli̱ yie̱e̱ny ram ɔ kɛ ramɔ, cɛ ti̱ diaal tin dee la̱t cu thiɛl gua̱a̱th wal.

Ruac walɛ bɛ̈cɛ ɛ lɔŋ kɛ ɣöö Kuäär bɛ Kumɛ da̱k piny kɛɛliwdɛ ɛ riɛk mi̱ bɛ̈c ɛ lɔŋ. Nɛmɛ göörɛ guec ɛ gɔaa pany, kɛ kuic ɛmɔ de riɛk te thi̱n kiɛ deerɛ thiɛl bä.